Timothy Evans, Margaret Whitehead, Finn Diderichsen, Abbas Bhuia & Meg Wirth (editors), Challenging Inequities in Health

Timothy Evans, Margaret Whitehead, Finn Diderichsen, Abbas Bhuia & Meg Wirth, Editors

Challenging Inequities in Health: From Ethics to Action

Oxford University Press, New York 2001

Contents

Foreword, Sheikh Hasina

Part I: Establishing Values

1. Challenging Health Inequities: An Introduction, Tim Evans, et al.

2. The Social Basis of Disparities in Health, Finn Diderichsen, Tim Evans , and Margaret Whitehead

3. Ethical Dimensions of Health Equity, Fabienne Peter and Tim Evans

4. Health Equity in a Globalizing World, Lincoln C. Chen and Giovanni Berlinguer

Part II: Assessing and Analyzing the Health Divide

Introduction to Part II

5. Measuring Disparities in Health: Methods and Indicators, Sudhir Anand, et al.

6. The Fundamental Challenges of Measurement and Perceptions in Health Equity, Amartya Sen

7. China: Increasing Health Gaps in a Transitional Economy, Yuanli Liu, et al.

8. Japan: Historical and Current Dimensions of Health and Health Equity, Toshihiko Hasegawa

9. United States: Social Inequality and the Burden of Poor Health, Laura D. Kubzansky, et al.

10. Chile: Socioeconomic Differentials and Mortality in Middle-Income Nations, Jennette Vega, et al.

11. Russia: Socioeconomic Dimensions of the Gender Gap in Mortality, Vladimir M. Shkolnikov, Mark G. Field, and Evgueni M. Andreev

12. Tanzania: Gaining Insights into Adolescent Lives and Livelihoods, Vinand M. Nantulya, et al.

Part III: Tackling Root Causes

Introduction to Part III

13. Gender, Health, and Equity: The Intersections, Piroska ?stlin, Gita Sen, and Asha George

14. South Africa: Addressing the Legacy of Apartheid, Lucy Gilson and Di McIntyre

15. Kenya: Uncovering the Social Determinants of Road Traffic Accidents, Florence Muli-Musiime and Vinand Nantuya

16. Bangladesh: An Intervention Study of Factors Underlying Increasing Equity in Child Survival, Abbas Bhuiya, et al.

17. Sweden and Britain: The Impact of Policy Context on Inequities in Health, Finn Diderichsen, et al.

Part IV: Building Efficient, Equitable Health Care Systems

Introduction to the Issues

18. Health Care Financing: Assessing its Relationship to Health Equity, William C. Hsiao and Yuanli Liu

19. Mexico: Marginality, Need, and Resource Allocation at the County Level, Rafael Lozano, et al.

20. Vietnam: Efficient, Equity-Oriented Financial Strategies for Health, Pham Manh Hung, et al.

Part V: Conclusion

21. Developing the Policy Response to Inequities in Health: A Global Perspective, Margaret Whitehead, G?ran Dahlgren, and Lucy Gilson

Julian Tudor Hart, Why are doctors unhappy?

WHY ARE DOCTORS UNHAPPY, AND WHAT CAN BE DONE ABOUT IT?

BMJ 2001

GPs are squeezed between patients� expectations for instant remedies without risk or error, and government pressures to speed the conveyor and tighten quality control. Extending the strategy initiated by the Conservatives in 1990, New Labour’s Alan Milburn is developing an industrialised, consumer-led NHS. Meanwhile bureaucracy marches on: as a proportion of spending on healthcare, administrative costs have doubled from about 6% before the 1990 “reform” to about 12% now. This is still behind USA at about 25%, but the modernisers are on course to reach that target.

The driving force behind this strategy is perception of the NHS as an industry producing clinical interventions as discrete commodities, episodically consumed by patients. In the programme espoused by New Labour, innovation will come from State-assisted corporate investors, for whom public service will be subordinated to pursuit of profit. Motives for this electorally unpopular(1) strategy were explained by Richard Smith in 1996(2) and Allyson Pollock in 1999(3). New Labour�s devotion to creeping privatisation of the NHS starts from its conversion to classical economics, the World Trade Organisation, the World Bank, and its commitments to the General Agreement on Tarrifs, Trade and Services to open all public service to global competition and investment. None of these has any mandate from the Party membership or the electorate.

To prepare for this, all NHS activities are so far as possible being parcelled into commodity units, suited to profitable provision by traders in public service. But how far is possible, without impeding effective and efficient care? Conservative governments tried and failed to create market competition between hospitals and between GPs. New Labour tries and will fail to get private investors to build new hospitals and develop new primary care where there is greatest need for improved care, not where these investments would be most profitable. As with other privatised national services, investors will make the profits (mainly by reducing the number, pay and security of staff), while the NHS and its patients keep the risks.

Things would be easier if New Labour could proceed directly to North American solutions. If the NHS didn�t have to provide the most difficult services for the most difficult people, but just let them pile up in hospital Emergency Rooms, we could concentrate on high quality care for easy people, and heroic salvage for the rest. But in the UK, according to opinion polls, a substantial majority even of conservative voters continues to believe in a socialised NHS, based on neighbourhoods and devils they know, not on shopping around between competing providers(4). Doctors either don�t know this, or let themselves be persuaded by the free medical tabloids to forget it. The professional optimism of the 1970s has gone. Sons and daughters of professors of medicine no longer grieve their parents by �throwing their lives away� in general practice, and GPs now curse their patients as they did in the early 1960s. Why? Because they see them as insatiable consumers, not potential partners in production of health gain. Successive governments have imposed a new consensus that clinical production must follow an industrial model, enforced by tight management. This violates the continuity, solidarity, and locality that made for satisfying work in the past, and promotes mistrust. Like patients, a large majority of doctors remain loyal to the original principles of the NHS, but also like patients, their hopes diminish that these principles will be upheld by any political party in office. On this hopelessness industrialisers and commercialisers depend(5).

Richard Smith rightly describes as bogus the assumed contract between doctors as providers and patients as consumers. Instead he proposes an honest contract between doctors and patients as equally valuable and essential co-producers. This needs to be spelled out as a material foundation for post-industrial production of socially useful value, beyond, outside, and eventually alternative either to commodity trading for profit, or to the old authoritarian pattern of State paternalism(6). Clinical medicine is effective, and more so than ever before(7). Its efficient delivery depends on continuity, social solidarity, and locality, all of which impede and confuse trade in care as a commodity, but meet profound human needs. This is something health professionals could understand very much better than career politicians, if only we were prepared to take a few infant steps toward critical social and economic literacy. Over the past 50 years, first the Lancet, then the BMJ, have developed into an increasingly effective dissident press, able to see that the New Emperors have no clothes, and daring to say so. To restore professional morale, we need a much clearer, bolder, and more independent perspective, recognising that we can gain the initiative whenever we dare to accept it. In the early 20th century doctors got themselves a special relationship with rulers. In 1990 they lost it. This loss made possible a more dignified and rational alternative, a working alliance with patients, both able to see that in a society whose decks are awash with wealth, we can easily afford an NHS to be proud of. We already have the beginnings of this alliance in the ordinary processes of continuing anticipatory clinical medicine: all we need is to recognise our friends.

  1. Jowell R, Curtice J, Park A, Brook L, Thomson K, Bryson C (eds). British Social Attitudes: the 14th Report: the end of Conservative values? Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing/SCPR, 1997.
  2. Smith R. Global competition in health care. British Medical Journal 1996;313:764-5.
  3. Price D, Pollock AM, Shaoul J. How the World Trade Organisation is shaping domestic policies in health care. Lancet 1999;354:1889-92.
  4. Guardian supplements 20/21.3.01.
  5. Bosanquet N, Pollard S. Ready for Treatment: popular expectations and the future of health care. London: Social Market Foundation, 1997, pp.98-103.
  6. Hart JT. Two paths for medical practice. Lancet 1992;340:772-5.
  7. Bunker J. Commentary: The role of medical care in contributing to health improvements within societies. International Journal of Epidemiology in press 2001.

Howard Waitzkin, Celia Iriart, Alfredo Estrada, Silvia Lamadrid, Social medicine in Latin America

Howard Waitzkin, Celia Iriart, Alfredo Estrada, Silvia Lamadrid

Social medicine in Latin America: productivity and dangers facing the major national groups

Lancet 2001; 358: 315-23

Division of Community Medicine, Department of Family and Community Medicine, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131, USA (Prof H Waitzkin MD, C Iriart PhD); Central de Trabajadores Argentinos (Central Organisation of Argentine Workers), Buenos Aires, Argentina (C Iriart); Grupo de Investigación y Capacitación en Medicina Social (Group for Research and Training in Social Medicine), Santiago, Chile (A Estrada MD, S Lamadrid MA); and University of Chile, Santiago, Chile (S Lamadrid). Correspondence to: Prof Howard Waitzkin (e-mail:waitzkin@unm.edu).

National groups
Professional issues
Conclusions
References

There is little knowledge about Latin American social medicine in the English-speaking world. Social medicine groups exist in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, and Mexico. Dictatorships have created political and economic conditions which are more adverse in some countries than others; in certain instances, practitioners of social medicine have faced unemployment, arrest, torture, exile, and death. Social medicine groups have focused on the social determinants of illness and early death, the effects of social policies such as privatisation and public sector cutbacks, occupational and environmental causes of illness, critical epidemiology, mental health effects of political trauma, the impact of gender, and collaborations with local communities, labour organisations, and indigenous people. The groups’ achievements and financial survival have varied, depending partly on the national context. Active professional associations have developed, both nationally and internationally. Several groups have achieved publication in journals and books, despite financial and technical difficulties that might be lessened through a new initiative sponsored by the US National Library of Medicine. The conceptual orientation and research efforts of these groups have tended to challenge current relations of economic and political power. Despite its dangers, Latin American social medicine has emerged as a productive field of work, whose findings have become pertinent throughout the world.

Social medicine has become a widely respected field of research, teaching, and clinical practice in Latin America. However, achievements in this field remain little known in the English-speaking world. Major publications remain untranslated from Spanish or Portuguese into English. The field’s lack of impact also reflects an erroneous assumption that the intellectual and scientific productivity of the “third world” manifests a less rigorous and relevant approach to the important questions of our age.

Case history 1

The public-health expert is about to receive torture by electric shock applied to his testicles. His crimes have been to teach medical and other health science students in a model community clinic, one of the major teaching sites for the University of Chile. A graduate of the Harvard School of Public Health, he also is accused of conducting research on the relations between poverty and health outcomes in local communities. He knows that several of his colleagues have already been killed for similar crimes. In his interrogation he has been asked to provide information about many friends and colleagues, but so far has refused.
The torturer, a clean-cut and matter-of-fact person whose military affiliation isn’t quite clear, orders the public-health expert to pull down his trousers. He complies, looking at the electrodes in the torturer’s right hand. Just then, the torturer glances at his watch on his right wrist. “OK”, the torturer says, “it’s five o’clock–time to go home”, and leaves the room. The public-health expert pulls his trousers back up and waits for a guard to take him back to his cell. Recalling this experience in an interview, he mentions Max Weber’s work on the sociology of bureaucracy–“bureaucratised torture”, he calls it.

Many who have worked in Latin American social medicine have experienced dramatic personal histories. The three panels show how the very nature of their work–to the extent that it reveals the origins of health problems in the structure of society–can come to be seen as dangerous to sectors of the society who control wealth and wield power.

We have critically reviewed the work conducted at the major centres of social medicine in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, and Mexico. Elsewhere, we have described the history of the field and the challenges of leadership and daily work activities, and analysed the theoretical approaches, methodological techniques, and major themes emerging from Latin American social medicine.1

National groups
Since the late 1960s, groups in several Latin American countries have worked under challenging and sometimes dangerous conditions. All groups have made major contributions in research, teaching, and public service. Figure 1 shows their locations. In addition to these groups, smaller networks have emerged in other countries, including Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela.

Figure 1: Locations of major groups working in Latin American social medicine

Argentina

Social medicine grew rapidly in Argentina during the 1970s but soon suffered from the repressive effects of the dictatorship which took control in 1976. During the dictatorship, leaders of social medicine in Argentina lost their employment in universities and medical centres, faced imprisonment and torture, experienced the direct intervention of the military or paramilitary forces in their professional and personal lives, and feared death as increasing numbers disappeared or were killed. Many Argentines working in social medicine fled into exile. Those who remained generally tried to find employment in other fields and sought to conceal their accomplishments.

Case history 2

Salvador Allende

Pathologist, leader of social medicine, and former president of Chile, who died during the military coup of Sept 11, 1973.

The chief of surgery at a public hospital in a working class neighborhood of Santiago, Chile, sits in his dimly lit office, his tall frame bent over a notebook computer. He had trained on the surgical services at Massachusetts General Hospital. Salvador Allende chose him as Minister of Health for the Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) government. Known as an outstanding surgeon and medical educator, he convened a “council of elders” from the University of Chile’s School of Public Health to advise the Ministry of Health.
On Sept 11, 1973, he was the last person in the line of government officials who walked down the stairs to the first floor of La Moneda, the presidential palace which was on fire after the Air Force’s precision bombing, to surrender to the military victors of the coup. As the last person to see Allende alive, he notes simply that Allende was not killed but instead committed suicide, in the tradition of José Manuel Balmaceda, the reformist president of Chile who killed himself in 1891 rather than surrender to a military coup.
After his own arrest, the surgeon and ex-minister of health was tortured and sent to prison for a year on frigid Dawson Island near Antarctica. Later he worked in exile for 14 years as a professor of surgery in Caracas, Venezuela. After the Chilean plebiscite in 1988 that led to an elected government, he returned as chief of surgery to the same public university hospital where he worked before the coup.
He writes mainly for the clinical journal that health professionals and workers at his hospital have produced since 1953. Currently he is working on a series of articles that he has introduced with a quote from Alice in Wonderland: “Could you tell me please what road I should take?” These articles describe the deterioration of Chile’s public health system under both the dictatorship and the country’s subsequent civilian regime, whose policies call for the further privatisation of public industries, housing, education, and health programmes.

Since the return of electoral government in 1983, people working in social medicine have faced difficulties in reintegrating themselves into academic or medical institutions. Most leaders work in clinical or administrative positions, usually requiring two or three simultaneous jobs to support themselves and their families. Generally, research and teaching efforts in social medicine take place as unpaid work, or as activities financed by small, short-term contracts or grants. Despite these difficulties, groups in Buenos Aires, Rosario, and Córdoba have maintained high productivity.

Since returning to Buenos Aires from exile, Mario Testa has provided leadership for one social medicine group and has published influential articles and books on health planning and policy development.2 Testa’s work on strategic planning emerged from a self-critical assessment of normative planning in public health. This work emphasises the importance of power in the planning process, the material interests of participating actors, and the possibilities for transformation based on current and potential alliances.3 Other members of this group, led by Celia Iriart and including Laura Nervi and Francisco Leone, have produced studies of “technobureaucracy” in public health; the policies of structural adjustment, privatisation, and public sector cutbacks required by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund; the exportation of managed care to Latin America; environmental health policies; and mental health policies such as deinstitutionalisation.4-7 Members of this group have offered courses in the faculty of social sciences at the University of Buenos Aires. They also work with labour unions on health policy issues. For instance, they have collaborated with the Asociación de Trabajadores del Estado (Association of State Workers) to reconstruct the union-controlled social security fund in Tierra del Fuego, Argentina’s southernmost province. They also have worked with the Central de Trabajadores Argentinos (Central Organisation of Argentine Workers) to oppose the conversion of social security funds and health services to the control of multinational managed care organisations.

A second group in Buenos Aires has focused on environmental health, mental health, and health policy issues. Led by José Carlos Escudero, who during the dictatorship went into exile in Mexico, this group publishes the journal Salud, Problema y Debate (Health, Problem and Debate), edited by Enrique Kreplak and Matilde Ruderman. Escudero has produced influential articles on environmental health problems, the history of environmental changes since the Spanish conquest, and methodologic studies of statistical techniques.8 A subgroup coordinated by Ruderman has prioritised the mental health problems of those who suffered under the dictatorship, including families of the disappeared. Alicia Stolkiner and a subgroup in the faculty of psychology at the University of Buenos Aires have worked at the interface of mental health, primary care, and public health.7 Marcos Buchbinder has led policy studies on the impact of privatisation and cutbacks on public hospitals and clinics.9 Members of the group, coordinated by Debora Tajer and Liliana Mayoral, have provided leadership for the Asociación Latinoamericana de Medicina Social (Latin American Association of Social Medicine), which held its international meeting during 1998 in Buenos Aires.

Case history 3

The former dean of the medical school of the University of Buenos Aires tells why, at age 73 years, he lives from hand to mouth on small teaching and consulting fees and royalties, without a pension or other regular income. Before the dictatorship took control in Argentina, he had enjoyed a prominent career, applying the social sciences to medicine and public-health administration. His articles and books in health planning had achieved international recognition. He frequently was asked to consult with the WHO and the Pan American Health Organisation, and to give presentations at universities and professional organisations throughout the Americas.
When the military took control, he and his family happened to be outside Argentina. He was not to return for more than 10 years. His neighbours told him that they watched helplessly as soldiers knocked down the doors of his home and proceeded to ransack and burn his library. The burning of books and journals in this case and many others (sometimes voluntarily by the owners of the publications for fear that they would be found by the military and provide evidence of subversion resulting in imprisonment, torture, and death) makes the Argentine intellectual productivity of the 1960s through 1980s difficult to locate except in rare books collections. The ex-dean points proudly to the bookshelf that contains his own publications, many of which were given to him as gifts after his return to his homeland, by friends who had hidden them for many years.

Since 1978, the Rosario group has published the journal Cuadernos Médico Sociales (Medico-Social Notebooks; figure 2) and has operated the Centro de Estudios Sanitarios y Sociales, CESS (Center for Public Health and Social Studies). This group has received financial support and office space from the medical association of Rosario. Due to managed care, the association’s financial condition deteriorated, and the future of CESS and the journal remains uncertain.

Figure 2: Cover of Cuadernos Médico Sociales (Medico-Social Notebooks)

Published in Rosario, Argentina; publication was interrupted temporarily due to the financial impact of managed care on the local medical association.

Led by Carlos Bloch, Susana Belmartino, Irene Luppi, Zulema Quinteros, and María del Carmen Troncoso, the CESS group has conducted research on the medical profession. The group also has carried out social epidemiologic research on such problems as low birthweight and infant mortality, Chagas disease, and infectious diseases affecting blood banks. These studies have emphasised the impact of class structure, poverty, and social marginalisation on health outcomes. More recently, members of the group have collaborated in research on reform policies affecting the public sector.10 Although the participants in CESS lost their academic positions during the Argentine dictatorship, they gradually have resumed teaching activities, mostly at the national university in Rosario and in collaboration with the municipal health department. They also hold periodic educational conferences that include instructors from other countries, especially Brazil.

The Córdoba group tries to maintain a social movement that began shortly before the end of the Argentine dictatorship in 1983. The Movimiento por un Sistema Integral de Salud, MOSIS (Movement for an Integral Health System) included participants from professional and student organisations, unions, community groups, religious organisations, and political parties, as well as a national minister of health and other prominent leaders. Although the national movement became fragmented over time, the Córdoba group has maintained the movement’s name and goals. Leaders have included Horacio Barri, Norma Fernández, Sylvia Bermann, and Héctor Seia. Between 1983 and 1994, the Córdoba group published the journal Salud y Sociedad (Health and Society) but could not sustain its publication due to financial constraints.

Participants in the Córdoba group have pursued a wide range of activities in social medicine.11 Some have taken part in undergraduate and postgraduate medical education. Other members have addressed workplace health issues in collaboration with unions. The Córdoba group also has studied essential medications, in line with initiatives of the World Health Organization (WHO). Epidemiologists have conducted research in communities with participation of the involved populations, linked to primary care efforts. The group has collaborated in health communication efforts with local newspapers, radio, and television.

Brazil

Social medicine flowered in Brazil, where most participants refer to the field as saúde colectiva (collective health). This term, which came to prominence in the 1970s, reflects an emphasis on the positive search for health, rather than a focus on disease. The symbolism of the collective implies that the causes and solutions of health problems occur in relation to social collectivities, including both local communities and government. The same symbolism tries to move away from the medical and biological connotations of the term social medicine.12

By comparison with Argentina and Chile, the Brazilian dictatorship proved somewhat less repressive. Although some activists in collective health were imprisoned or killed, most remained in Brazil and supported themselves through employment in medical schools, schools of public health, or public hospitals and clinics. People working in collective health have achieved secure positions and infrastructure at several Brazilian universities.

Collective health emerged in the mid-1970s, with the publications and teachings of María Cecilia Donnangelo and Sergio Arouca. Influenced by European Marxist theorists, Donnangelo focused on the impact of class structure on health outcomes, as well as the ideological effects of modern medicine.13 Arouca’s work dealt mainly with the unintended consequences of preventive medicine, especially its social control functions.14 In 1979, the Asociação Brasileira de Pós-Graduação em Saúde Colectiva, ABRASCO (Brazilian Association of Postgraduate Studies in Collective Health) was founded. Working groups in several cities generated a wide spectrum of research, teaching efforts, and service activities.

Leaders of collective health have continued to work at the University of São Paulo or local research institutes. Ricardo Bruno Mendes Gonçalves has emphasised the technological organisation of the work process.15 Focusing on the impact of national and international economic policies on health services, Amelia Cohn and Paulo Elías have collaborated with the Brazilian Workers Party in developing national and regional health policies.16 Lilia Shraiber has studied the political economy of medical education and professionalism.17 José Ricardo Ayres has analysed the philosophical underpinnings of epidemiology and recent conceptions of risk.18 With a focus on social reproduction as an analytic category, Paulette Goldemberg does research on women’s and children’s health. Rita Baradas Barata has served as national president of ABRASCO.

The group at the State University of Campinas has emerged as one of the leading centres for collective health in Latin America. About 12 students annually receive doctoral degrees from this programme. This group also has formed the Laboratório de Planejamento e Administração (Laboratory of Planning and Administration), which consults with municipal and state governments, labour unions, and the Workers Party. Leaders include Emerson Merhy, Gastão Wagner de Sousa Campos, and Everardo Duarte Nunes. In collaboration with ABRASCO, members of the Campinas group have edited an influential journal in collective health, Saúde em Debate (Health in Debate), as well as more than 100 books published with a firm in São Paulo (Hucitech).

The Campinas group has focused on health policy and planning, the history of public health, administration of health services, and microlevel processes in the delivery of services. For instance, their research traces critically the history of public health in Brazil.19 Participants have contributed studies of health administration and planning, which emphasise patients’ and workers’ participation in policy making.20 The Campinas group also has participated in cross-national research on managed care.

Group members have worked to enhance public sector services provided by municipal governments, often in collaboration with the Workers Party. In these efforts, they have focused on microlevel work processes in the delivery of services and have distinguished between live work–which is characterised as creative, participatory, and changeable–versus dead work–which is bureaucratic, routine, and standardised.21 As part of this effort, the Campinas group has developed a conceptual and methodological approach that emphasises the acolhimento (special reception) of patients by staff members at each stage in the health-care system, from the receptionist, to the nurse or medical assistant, to the doctor, to the laboratory or other ancillary facility, to the personnel responsible for exiting the patient. This approach clarifies microlevel barriers in patients’ experience.22 Each worker analyses his or her role and capacity to resolve problems in interaction with other workers.

The Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, FIOCRUZ (Oswaldo Cruz Foundation) and the Scola Nacional de Saúde Pública (National School of Public Health) in Rio de Janeiro have provided institutional bases for collective health. FIOCRUZ is a public institution analogous to the US National Institutes of Health. As a component of FIOCRUZ, the National School of Public Health has both masters and doctoral programmes. Another important institution is the Institute of Social Medicine at the State University of Rio de Janeiro. Leaders at these institutions also have assisted collective health groups elsewhere in Brazil to obtain funding and routes of publication. Sergio Arouca, Paulo Buss, Hesio Cordeiro, Madel Luz, Sonia Fleury, and Cristina Possas have provided leadership. An editorial group at the National School of Public Health has assumed responsibility for publishing Notebooks of Public Health (Cadernos de Saúde Pública), a journal that offers an outlet for work in collective health.

The Rio de Janeiro group has focused on comparative international health policy, critical epidemiology, analysis of health-care institutions, and health-system reform. For instance, Fleury has collaborated with colleagues in Argentina and Mexico in studies of the changing public sector.23 Luz has done critical research on the relations among medical institutions, political institutions, and ideology.24 In efforts to transform the Brazilian social security system, Hesio Cordeiro has emphasised policies to encourage decentralisation and municipal control of health services.25 Possas’s work has focused on social epidemiology, including the social determinants of adverse health outcomes.26

A group at the Instituto de Saúde Colectiva (Institute of Collective Health) in the Federal University of Bahía focuses on social epidemiology. Leaders have included Sebastão Loureiro, Naomar de Almeida Filho, Mauricio Lima Barreto, Carmen Fontes Teixeira, and Jairnilson Paim. This group sponsors biannual teaching conferences in epidemiology, which attract participants from countries throughout Latin America. The Institute also coordinates masters and doctoral training programmes, with concentrations in epidemiology, health planning and management, and social sciences in health.

The Bahía group has taken an innovative approach to multilevel and multimethod research and teaching in epidemiology. Trained as a physician and anthropologist, de Almeida Filho has argued that, to consider adequately the full range of social problems that affect health outcomes and mortality, epidemiology must use a variety of quantitative and qualitative methods. His work on epidemiology without numbers uses complementary methods to assess both individual and social levels of analysis.27 Other members of the group, led by Fontes Teixeira and Paim, have focused on public health planning, in the context of municipal and regional government.28

Chile

Before the Chilean dictatorship, most leaders of social medicine served as university professors or as officials in the ministry of health. Essentially all of them lost their employment after the coup. Several experienced imprisonment and torture, and most went into exile in Europe, Canada, or the United States. Some leaders have returned to Chile but usually have not been able to reintegrate themselves into the universities, medical schools, and school of public health. Most returnees to social medicine have worked unpaid, and supported themselves through clinical work, employment as administrators or epidemiologists in the Ministry of Health, or commercial activities such as clinical laboratories or retail sales. These leaders include Alfredo Estrada, Adriana Vega, Jaime Sepúlveda, Carlos Montoya, Mariano Requena, Marilú Soto, Enrique Barilari, Silvia Riquelme, and Luis Weinstein; Felipe Cabello based in New York, and Hugo Behm based in Costa Rica, also participate regularly. They have organised a non-governmental organisation in Santiago, the Grupo de Investigación y Capacitación en Medicina Social, GICAMS (Group for Research and Training in Social Medicine), which has published the influential journal, Salud y Cambio (Health and Change). GICAMS coordinates teaching conferences which attract participants from Chile and other Latin American countries.

The Chilean group members have focused on several areas of social medicine (figure 3). With an emphasis on mental health, they have worked with religious and social service agencies to deal with the effects of political repression, torture, and exile.29 To enhance work on gender and health, they have helped organise an interdisciplinary programme in collaboration with the University of Chile and have conducted research on the health and mental health problems of women, especially in low-income areas of Santiago. GICAMS participants have worked with organisations of industrial and agricultural workers to address such problems as chemical and pesticide exposure in the workplace and in communities. Research in social epidemiology has focused on epidemics and economic transition, the changing rates of infectious diseases such as tuberculosis and AIDS in relation to socioeconomic conditions, and the impact of vaccination policies.30 The group has critiqued policies of public financing for private managed care organisations and has analysed proposals to privatise the remaining public sector national health fund for low-income people without insurance.31

Figure 3: Demonstration against the privatisation of public health services organised in part by members of the social medicine group in Santiago, Chile, 1986

In foreground, Enrique Barilari

Colombia

By the early 1980s, centres of social medicine emerged in Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali. Based at National University, the Bogotá group engaged in community-based research, aimed at improving the conditions of poverty and marginalisation that exacerbated health problems.32 In Medellín, at the School of Public Health of the University of Antioquia, social medicine participants contributed studies of infectious diseases such as malaria, occupational health problems, the importance of violence as a health problem, and the impact of social class on health institutions and health outcomes.33,34 Members of the Medellín group also introduced these perspectives during popular courses at the School of Public Health. The Cali group sought to redefine work roles in community-based health-care teams and devoted attention especially to issues of gender and social class in interprofessional relationships.35

Although Colombia has maintained an electoral government, violence has affected social medicine brutally. Chronic conflicts involving drug cartels, military forces, paramilitary groups, and revolutionary organisations reached an intense level during the mid-1980s. Partly because of their work in local communities, participants in social medicine have become targets of violence. In 1987, paramilitary forces in Medellín killed three professors at the school of public health, including the dean, Hector Abad Gómez. During the terror that followed, many social medicine participants fled into exile. From Medellín these refugees included Saúl Franco, a prolific researcher and teacher, who subsequently worked with the Pan American Health Organization in Washington, DC; and Alberto Vasco, who continued work on social class and health in Spain. Although Franco later returned to Colombia, violence has led to fragility and danger for the social medicine participants who remain.

Cuba

The revolution of 1959 exerted a profound impact on social medicine in Cuba, not necessarily in a supportive direction. Rapid improvements occurred in public health, medical education, primary care, and specialty services. By the late 1970s, Cuba’s morbidity and mortality indicators resembled those of economically developed countries.36 These achievements attracted wide recognition by international health organisations and by participants in social medicine.

Within Cuba, the same accomplishments led to a questioning of the need for social medicine. The revolution had achieved improved health conditions largely through broad social change. Many leaders in academic medicine and public health participated directly in the revolution, as combatants, health workers, or political activists. The medical and public health curricula included historical materialism, as well as psychology, anthropology, sociology, epidemiology, primary care, and community-based service. Against this background, the remaining challenges in Cuba seemed to require a focus on technical issues more than the social issues emphasised by social medicine.

Although knowledgeable about the advances of social medicine elsewhere in Latin America, Cuban leaders have tended to view the field as overly theoretical, despite a self-criticism that Cuban physicians have remained too “Flexnerian” and biological in their orientation. The widely circulated Cuban journals in epidemiology (Revista Cubana de Higiene y Epidemiología, Cuban Journal of Hygiene and Epidemiology) and public health (Revista Cubana de Salud Pública, Cuban Journal of Public Health) present research and interventions in occupational and environmental health, ageing, mental health, infectious diseases, and chronic health conditions. Although these publications’ contents resemble those of North American, Canadian, or European journals of public health, occasional articles deal with Latin American social medicine. A Cuban commentator has called attention to the limited production of articles or books in social medicine by Cuban authors.37 Partly to increase the visibility of social medicine in Cuba, a group in Havana has initiated a journal, Boletín del Ateneo Juan César García (Bulletin of the Juan César García Center). They also have sponsored the meeting of the Latin American Association of Social Medicine during July 2000 in Havana.

Like all other Cuban workers, individuals working in social medicine are guaranteed full-time employment; they hold positions in the ministry of health or other national institutes, the school of public health, or community health centres linked to medical schools. Leaders include Francisco Rojas Ochoa, Cosmé Ordoñez, and Silvia Martínez Calvo. These leaders have assisted people from other Latin American countries who have studied social medicine in Cuba while earning masters degrees in public health. Rojas Ochoa has undertaken a comprehensive historical study of medicine since the Cuban revolution, with support from the Pan American Health Organization. Ordoñez has participated in the development of family medicine, community health centres, linkages with community-oriented medical schools in other countries, and community-based programmes for elderly people. As a leader at the national school of public health, Martínez Calvo has introduced elements of social medicine, especially the notion that family doctors can act as agents of social change in local communities, into innovative medical and public health curricula, partly to counteract the “Flexnerian” overemphasis on biological issues.

Ecuador

In Ecuador, a group based in Quito has provided national and international leadership. Participants have included Jaime Breilh, Arturo Campaña, Oscar Betancourt, Edmundo Granda, and Francisco Hidalgo. Although members of this group hold teaching appointments at the Central University of Ecuador, they have undertaken many activities through a non-governmental organisation, the Centro de Estudios y Asesoría en Salud, CEAS (Center for Studies and Consulting in Health). The group also has participated in political struggles that have opposed privatisation of health services. Group members have collaborated in a large coalition comprised of indigenous organisations, trade unions, and professional associations. One leader at CEAS, Breilh, was nominated as a national candidate for the Vice Presidency of Ecuador.

Breilh has pioneered a series of theoretical, methodological, and empirical advances in social epidemiology that have become influential throughout Latin America. These approaches have used both quantitative and qualitative methodologies to extend the scope of traditional epidemiology. This work emphasises economic production, income inequalities and distributional inequities, environmental consequences of changing production processes, and the reproductive activities associated with gender roles.

In his work, Breilh has advocated a multilevel and multimethod approach to study morbidity and mortality patterns. His epidemiologic profile conceptualises health conditions at several levels of analysis related to concrete economic and historical processes.38 This perspective has guided other studies by CEAS investigators on urban income inequality and infant mortality, the impact of petroleum production on health outcomes, occupational health problems, and gender and health.39 Breilh has also taught conferences on methodology and has produced a book for courses in social epidemiology that includes a critical appraisal of both quantitative and qualitative methods, with proposed techniques to triangulate methods at different levels of analysis.40

The CEAS group has carried out research in mental health and health policy. For instance, Campaña has focused on projects to improve mental health conditions and services, especially in low-income communities. A recent book critically analyses the social construction of mental illness by modern psychiatry, which tends to emphasise individual psychopathology as opposed to the social causation of mental health problems.41 In the area of health policy, CEAS has coordinated conferences, programmes for national radio and television, and several articles and books intended to reach policy makers and members of the general public. These efforts focus especially on the health impacts of international economic policies, such as the requirements for public sector cutbacks and privatisation imposed by international lending agencies.42

Mexico

The Mexican group has influenced theory and practice throughout Latin America. Based mainly at the masters programme in social medicine at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Xochimilco, UAM-X (Autonomous Metropolitan University-Xochimilco in Mexico City), the group’s leaders include Asa Cristina Laurell, Catalina Eibenschutz, Carolina Tetelboin, Mariano Noriega, José Blanco Gil, and Oliva López. An active offshoot of this group, led by Francisco Mercado, is located at the school of public health at the University of Guadalajara. Eduardo Menéndez, an Argentine anthopologist, is based at the Mexico City Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social (Centre for Research and Higher Studies in Social Anthropology). These leaders have travelled frequently to other Latin American countries to teach and to collaborate in research and policy efforts. The programme at the Autonomous Metropolitan University publishes the journal, Salud Problema (Health Problem), and attracts students from many countries.

Since its inception, the Mexican group has prioritised workplace health, community development, and health policy. Participants have collaborated with workers in several industries and in agriculture, as well as with residents in low-income communities. For instance, Laurell and colleagues have studied health conditions in the electronic, metallurgical, and petrochemical industries.43 In this work, they have refined a method using the collective questionnaire, in which workers discuss specific labour processes, risks, and adverse impacts on health. Building on techniques earlier developed in Italy, they conduct the collective questionnaire during a semistructured interview with groups of workers. This participatory research has led to such clarifying concepts as the desgaste (wearing down) of workers by specific characteristics of the labour process.

In agricultural communities, Laurell and coworkers have pioneered the comparative use of both quantitative and qualitative methods. For instance, the group assessed the impact of socioeconomic conditions on health outcomes in two Mexican villages at different stages of economic development.44 The researchers used a combination of qualitative methods, involving anthropological field work, and quantitative techniques, including a questionnaire leading to statistical findings on morbidity. Combining these methods, the investigators could explain the worse statistical indicators of morbidity in the more economically developed village; qualitative observations revealed the adverse effects of an unstable market for cash crops, varying employment, and migration. Using a similar method, a more recent anthropological study clarified the social contextual issues that led to worsened outcomes in such chronic diseases as diabetes mellitus, among low-income residents of urban barrios in the Guadalajara area.45 Other work has analysed the relations betweem poverty, national and international policies, and health and mental health outcomes in local communities.46

The Mexican group also has studied emerging health policies, and its members have been active in Mexican politics at the local and national levels. For instance, members of the group have critiqued the World Bank’s proposals for privatisation and expansion of market processes in health services.47 This work has emphasised these policies’ impacts on Latin American public-health systems. Likewise, the Mexican group has called attention to the adverse effects of free trade accords, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement, that increase the ability of multinational corporations to operate with little regulation in Mexico and other Latin American countries. This critique has emphasised occupational and environmental health risks linked to the multinational industries that have expanded rapidly in Mexico under the North American Free Trade Agreement. In their political efforts, members of the Mexican group have worked with the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (Party of the Democratic Revolution), an opposition party led by Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas; Laurell has served as Cárdenas’ principal health advisor, and in 2000 became director of health for the Federal District of Mexico. The group also has studied and publicised the health conditions affecting indigenous populations in Chiapas, in support of the Zapatista Army for National Liberation.48

Professional issues

Financial survival


Financial support for research, educational, and service projects also varies widely among Latin American countries. Although Juan César García had orchestrated financial support for several social medicine groups from his position at the Pan American Health Organisation, after his death in 1984 this organisation became less reliable as a source of funding.1 The Canadian Association of Public Health has assisted several national groups with project-based funding over extended periods of time. Government agencies and foundations in the Netherlands, Germany, Spain, and Italy have provided support for projects in several countries.

Some groups have been able to secure financial support within their own countries, but this capability varies widely. In Mexico, for instance, researchers in the Mexico City and Guadalajara social medicine groups have received support periodically from the national council on science and technology. Brazilian leaders have participated in committees of the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, a public institution in Rio de Janeiro that resembles the US National Institutes of Health. Scientific organisations in Brazil, such as the National Research Council, also have provided grants and contracts.

In Argentina and Chile, support from national scientific funders has proven more difficult. Social medicine workers have received some funding from non-governmental organisations and from labour unions for focused projects. For instance, the medical association in the city of Rosario, Argentina, provided financing and physical space to the local social medicine group for more than 20 years, largely to facilitate the publication of the influential journal, Cuadernos Médico Sociales. Since the mid-1990s, the impact of managed care has caused the medical association to impose major budget cuts. The Central de Trabajadores Argentinos (Central Organisation of Argentine Workers) has assisted in distribution of work by Buenos Aires researchers on privatisation policies and managed care. In addition, the Colegio Médico de Chile (Chilean Medical Association, Santiago, Chile) has provided intermittent support for work in social medicine. However, such support in Argentina and Chile remains more sporadic and unpredictable than in Brazil and Mexico.

Professional associations


Many people who work in social medicine participate in an international organisation, the Asociación Latinoamericana de Medicina Social (Latin American Association of Social Medicine). Founded in 1984, the association now has about 1000 members in Latin America, the Caribbean region, North America, and Europe. Their twice yearly conferences generally attract more than 2000 participants, who take part in plenary sessions, oral presentations, poster sessions, networking, dances, and musical events.

Although several national and regional associations maintain their own schedules of conferences and publications, the largest and most influential remains the Asociacão Brasilera de Pós-Graduação em Saúde Colectiva (Brazilian Association of Post-Graduate Studies in Collective Health), founded in 1979. With a membership of about 4000, the association organises yearly conferences that rival those of the Asociación Latinoamericana de Medicina Social in size and intensity, usually attracting more than 5000 participants. The Asociacão Brasilera de Pós-Graduação em Saúde Colectiva sponsors the publication of books and journals and also sometimes contributes financially to research and educational projects.

Publications


National groups in social medicine have published a variety of journals and books which reflect the productivity and sophistication of the field. However, institutional instability and job insecurity add to the impact of economic underdevelopment on publication efforts. Although several national groups are associated with publishers or (especially in Ecuador and Brazil) have themselves initiated publishing wings to produce books and journals, economic uncertainties have hindered these efforts.

Currently, journals in this field encounter several key problems. Costs of national and international postage make mailing the publications to subscribers difficult. Problems within the postal systems themselves lead to publications frequently not arriving at their destination. Mail subscriptions often do not function adequately in Latin American countries, partly because many people do not customarily use postal services for communication. Finally, printing journals through conventional methods is very costly. Due to these problems, two of the key journals in Latin American social medicine–Salud y Cambio and Cuadernos Médico Sociales–have had serious financial problems and long publication delays.

Since most works in Latin American social medicine have been published only in Spanish or Portuguese, they have reached few readers in North America, Europe, Africa, or Australasia. One English-language journal, the International Journal of Health Services, which Vicente Navarro edits at the Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health, has provided a forum for Latin American social medicine. Navarro has worked closely with Latin American authors in the preparation of manuscripts suitable for publication in English. Occasional publications from Latin American social medicine also have appeared in such journals as Social Science & Medicine and the American Journal of Public Health. Despite these accomplishments, very little work in the field has reached English readers, and even the diffusion of publications in Spanish and Portuguese across borders within Latin America has proven challenging.

To address these problems, a collaboration based at several Latin American centres and the University of New Mexico, with funding from the US National Library of Medicine, is aiming to enhance the diffusion of publications from Latin American social medicine by publishing multilingual, structured abstracts from selected books and articles on the internet (http://hsc.unm.edu/lasm; this site also contains a list of journals in the field). Publication of structured abstracts in English, Spanish, and Portuguese will improve access for English readers and will enhance the ability of Latin American health professionals to obtain information in their own languages. The development of full-text, online publishing capabilities will help surmount the problems of postal expenses and inefficiencies, traditional constraints limiting mail subscriptions, and high printing costs.49

Conclusions


Although social medicine groups have varying effects on medical practice, public health programmes, and medical education in their respective countries, they have built an important network of groups conducting research and intervention programmes in the tradition of social medicine. Wider knowledge of this work would prove helpful, not least because of the courage of the individuals and groups that have continued their efforts under dangerous working conditions. A focus on the social origins of illness and early death inherently challenges the relations of economic and political power. As a result, participation in social medicine has led to suffering and even death for some of its most talented and productive adherents. Despite these vicissitudes, the themes and findings of Latin American social medicine have become pertinent for problems in medicine and public health throughout the world.

Contributors

H Waitzkin contributed to the study’s design, gathered, analysed, interpreted the data, and drafted the article. C Iriart contributed to the study’s design, helped interpret the data, and helped revise the manuscript. A Estrada contributed to the study’s design, helped analyse and interpret the data, and assisted in revision of the manuscript. S Lamadrid gathered and analysed data and participated in revision of the article.

Acknowledgments

This work was supported in part by grants from the Fulbright Commission (Senior Fellowship for Independent Research, American Republics Program), the Fogarty International Center of the National Institutes of Health (TW 01982), the Pacific Rim Program of the University of California, the American College of Physicians (George C Griffith Traveling Fellowship), the World Health Organisation (Special Programme for Research and Training in Tropical Diseases), the Dedicated Health Research Funds of the University of New Mexico School of Medicine, and the National Library of Medicine (1G08 LM06688). We thank our many colleagues and friends who offered advice, participated in interviews, and provided examples of courage in pursuing social medicine despite threats to their safety for doing so.

References

  1. Waitzkin H, Iriart C, Estrada A, Lamadrid S. Social medicine then and now: lessons from Latin America. Am J Public Health, October 2001 (in press).
  2. Testa M. Public health: its sense and meaning. In: Pan American Health Organisation. The crisis of public health: reflections for the debate. Washington, DC: The Organisation; 1992.
  3. Testa M. Pensamiento estratégico y lógica de programación (el caso de salud). Buenos Aires, Argentina: Lugar Editorial; 1995.
  4. Iriart C, Nervi L, Olivier B, Testa M. Tecnoburocracia Sanitaria: ciencia, ideología y profesionalización en la salud pública. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Lugar Editorial; 1994.
  5. Stocker K, Waitzkin H, Iriart C. The exportation of managed care to Latin America. N Engl J Med 1999; 340: 1131-36.

Tragic proofs about the depleted uranium

Dear all,

Below you find a message by my friend and collaborator Michel Collon, a Belgian journalist, author and people’s rights activist. Those who know of Michel, are aware of his tireless work on publicising the lies surrounding the use of depleted uranium in the Balkans and elsewhere. Michel himself is a journalist covering the Balkans conflict, and has recently been diagnosed with cancer. His right kidney was removed on May 23. The rest of his frightening story you can read below.

His continuing courage in fighting those who have caused such destruction needs to be admired, and I hope everyone will show solidarity with his cause and publicise the campaign Medical Aid for the Third World is launching.

Thanks a lot, Bert

“Dear friends,

Unfortunately, I learned that the tests carried out on the kidney that was removed, as well as on the other kidney and on the thyroid gland revealed the presence of Cesium 134 and 137 as well as that of a third element. All three were products of the decomposition of Uranium 235, which, as is known, is derived directly from the waste products of nuclear power plants.

Tests to verify these results will be carried out in the coming days. The laboratory of the Institute of Nuclear Medicine, directed by Professor Frohling, has therefore found these radioactive substances in my body. This only reinforces my anger against the heads of NATO, who have transformed entire territories into radioactive garbagedumps.

I had the good fortune to have had the radioactive substances discovered very early and to have been cared for by people both competent and committed to their work. But I think also of the local population, of the hundreds of thousands of people who will have no access to this sophisticated and costly health care. In the years to come, NATO will therefore cause (and has already caused) in these regions enormous suffering and anguish.

I would like my experience to be used to spread the truth widely and reinforce the determination of all those who want to make sure the heads of NATO pay for what they did. NATO–these are the monsters who lied about their war, claiming that it was clean, not only did they lie about their so-called humanitarian goals that were in reality economic and strategic goals, but also, they treated all the peoples of the region truly like garbage.

I have decided to begin an emergency judicial suit. NATO must pay for the costly medical examinations and tests. NATO ignored the principle of precaution for all Belgians who were sent in these countries–Iraq, Bosnia, Kosovo, Yugoslavia–they also should be able to benefit from the examinations and explorations.

Medicine for the Third World is committed to coordinating the necessary steps.

Medicine for the Third World:

02/5040147 Colette Moulaert

Email: colette.moulaert@brutele.be, g3w@ngonet.be

London 2001 Conference Abstracts: L. Briziarelli et al.

Prof. Lamberto Briziarelli*, Dr. Masanotti Giuseppe**

Documentation without Information

*Director The Experimental Centre of Health Education, Department of Hygiene, University of Perugia.
**Collaborator The Experimental Centre of Health Education, Department of Hygiene, University of Perugia.
Contact: L. Briziarelli

The documentation and information policies in Public Health and Health Promotion throw out Europe, even with some differences, are insufficient for who is called to work and for who demands- payees (the population).

In the last decade documentation policies have had some attention, in fact, today there are numerous databases full of data of all kind. If we analyse these database we see that:

  • Most are incomplete (mostly on the purpose of global Health Promotion);
  • The data collected often do not have any use for who is called to program health services, and
  • These database are reserved only for experts and a limited part of the population.

Most of the data collected have no sense when it comes to Public Health or more specifically to health promotion, because they give only a peace of a much bigger picture. This is clear if we realise that the data contained in most of the database have been collected using methods and instruments of traditional epidemiology. Who is called to operate in Public health needs to link the illness with the possible determinants and traditional epidemiology is not able to give this.

Even if with all the limits that these database present, rarely these data are transformed in information for the population, that payees and that makes the demand especially in the field of health. Most of the information in circulation today is functional for who, in that moment, wants a certain message to pass to the population. In a situation like this in which the data collected is insufficient, only limited information is given to the population and only in “special” occasions makes it impossible for who operates in public health to program on correct bases.

Today there are some international organisations (WHO and E.C.) initiatives that propose information systems for example: Health Observatory, Verona Challenge, Health Impact Assessment (HIA), Euro database and so on� Especially the HIA strategy can give, to who operates in Public Health, the information necessary to program health services independently by the environment in which we are called to work in today.

What is necessary to point out is that all the new systems base or need to base on a good documentation and information system, so that all the data collected can be fully given and comprehensive for the population. It’s necessary that every person, in a liberal environment, have access to the same information.

London 2001 Conference Abstracts: Ch. Sevilla et al.

Christine Sevilla*, François Eisinger**, Jean-Paul Moatti*

Do gene patents linit the diffusion of genetic testing? The case of DNA tests for breast cancer susceptibility

* INSERM U379, Marseille, France
** E9939, Marseille, France

Introduction

Hereditary Breast/Ovarian Cancers (HBOC) are presently known to represent 5 to 10% of all breast/ovarian cancers and 84% of these hereditary forms are estimated to be due to deleterious mutations of the BRCA1/2 genes. The research based private firm, Myriad Genetics Inc., which has initially identified these two genes, and which has launched in 1996 the world�s first clinical test based on direct analysis of the DNA sequence of a gene, has obtained a recognition of its property rights by the US Patent & Trademark Office (USPTO). Consequently, all US physicians seeking genetic testing for mutations in BRCA1/2 to determine risk of breast cancer must send their patients’ samples to this private patent holder or to its licensees Costs charged to the patient or to her health care insurance are currently 2,400$ for diagnosis of BRCA1/2 deleterious mutations in the index case, and 395$ for testing of each subsequent person in the family. Myriad Genetics Inc. has claimed the extension of its patent rights to the member states of the European Union in order to introduce a similar procedure for breast cancer genetic screening in the health care system of these countries. One practical consequence would be that the diagnosis strategy currently used by Myriad Genetics Laboratories, the complete analysis of both genes (BRACAnalysis�,) by Direct DNA Sequencing (DS), would become the only available technical standard for breast cancer genetic screening. Alternative strategies using simpler techniques to scan the entire gene and to detect variants, in order to limit the region of the gene that will necessitate further characterization by DS, have however been experimented, on a routine basis, by various research and hospital laboratories world-wide.

Methods We performed a cost-effectiveness comparison of 20 technically available alternative strategies for BRCA1 mutation research to DS of the entire gene. The cost evaluation was based on a detailed observation of the different stages of each strategy in three French laboratories, and is presented in a theoretical population of 10,000 with a 15% probability of deleterious mutation for BRCA1, corresponding to the index case of an individual breast cancer patient with two antecedents of breast cancer cases in the family history.

Results Five strategies, using prescreening techniques, were found to be less expensive and more cost/effective than DS of the entire gene.

Conclusions Patents on human genetic materials allow private and academic research institutions to recover research and development costs. They also allow these organisations to become profitable by marketing exclusive rights to genetic testing. Economic theory however point out that the monopoly position that a patent guarantees to its private holder sometimes slows down the diffusion of innovations and of the associated gains in efficiency at the collective level. Our study shows that this negative impact is the case for BRCA1 diagnosis. The application of patent laws to the case of genes should – at minimum – limit the monopoly power of the patent holder who initially identified a gene.

London 2001 Conference Abstracts: E. Zebiene

Egle Zebiene

Patient satisfaction with health care services in changing socio-economic environment

Vilnius University
Centre of General Practitioners
Egle Zebiene

Patient satisfaction as an indicator of quality of health care services, is now being introduced into the health care system in Lithuania. Health care providers become more interested in the consumer�s opinion, considering patient satisfaction as an indicator of quality of services provided and an indicator of weaknesses in a service.

Patient satisfaction is known to be dependent on various other factors: outcome of care, health status, socio-demographic characteristics of patient, characteristics of health care system itself, meeting patient expectations and others. Several studies (D. Jankauskiene et al. (1998), survey of Vilnius Regional Governmental Sickness fund (2000), Kaunas University of Medicine project �Equity in health and health care in Lithuania. A situation analysis� (1998)), performed during last years in Lithuania, support the opinion that at least some aspects of consumer satisfaction may originate in factors outside of the health care system. Some findings of these studies will be presented. As some of these indicators are changing along with changes in the socio-economic environment, their influence on the patient satisfaction can be considered as a factor causing certain limitations on the validity of consumer�s satisfaction.

The research data indicate that satisfaction rates can change when the standard of comparison changes even though the object of evaluation (health care services) remains the same. Health care reform based on the ideology of improving health care delivery has an influence on public expectations. Development of the private sector in the Lithuanian health care system also changes patients� perceptions of �better services�, increasing competition between health care providers.

Recognising the importance of patient satisfaction and its influence on further compliance, health care outcomes and utilisation of health care services is necessary. Improving health care services requires an understanding of the importance of both patients� satisfaction and it�s limitations. Knowing the nature of satisfaction, its consequences and patient preferences for health care, we can more effectively use the limited health care resources, trying to reduce the gap between consumers� requirements and possibilities of health care system.

London 2001 Conference Abstracts: H. Beiras et Manuel Martín

Hixinio Beiras*, Manuel Martín**

Understanding, explaining, organising and occasionally succeeding: recent experiences promoting opposition to neoliberal counter reform in Spain

*Cardiologist in Vigo, president of Galician Regional NHS Defence Association (AGDSP, member of Federación de Asociaciones para la Defensa de la Sanidad Pública, FADSP)

**Specialist in Family and Community medicine in Marín, Pontevedra, Secretary of FADSP (Federation of Associations for NHS Defence).

Contact: Hixinio Beiras

In spite of the appreciable overall results, and the cost/benefit relationship in the Spanish NHS, the conservative government has devoted itself to its dismantling and privatisation, following the European 1980�s conservative approach focused on the privatisation of public services, increase of copayments, rationing publicly financed benefits, and increasing the role of private health insurance. Following these trends, the conservative government is applying important modifications to the Spanish NHS:

The introduction of the market through the finance/provision split with the intention of transforming NHS into a large number of smaller enterprises known as �Fundaciones� in the case of hospitals, similar to UK�s Hospital Trusts.

An increase in outsourcing to private enterprises some or all public health services, even awarding public companies the hospital care of some local communities, a policy inspired also by the UK�s Private Finance Initiative (PFI).

The limitation of healthcare services remains a menace only held back by the opposition of public opinion and pensioners.

The reinforcement of private health insurance, mainly through economic support to MUFACE (private mutualities for some public servants), and a 36% tax reduction for companies who privately insure their workers.

These reforms began in Galicia in 1995 before being extended to the rest of the country. Against this policy, the FADSP promoted the creation of unitary organisations of NHS supporters altogether with political parties, trade unions, professional associations and civic, neighbour, consumer and patient organisations. These Platforms for NHS defence (PNHSD) led growing actions against privatisation in Galicia and promoted the People�s Legislation Initiative campaign in 1998-99.

The success of PNHSD in the creation of a professional and social opposition, simultaneously with the extension of neoliberal policies, extended them across the country.

Further conflicts with health authorities have taken place, some of which ended with success of PNHSD. The most relevant experiences being the important demonstrations in the Madrid against the conversion of a hospital into a Fundación, the social opposition altogether with religious charity associations to the demolition of the old Santiago General Hospital and in demand of its conversion into a long term care institution. Also, the mobilisation of Pontevedra, the local and surrounding municipalities �some governed by the party in power- in demand of a new public hospital. Finally, the research led by the Vigo PNHSD promoted by the municipal authorities to investigate local health care resources and needs as a starting point to settle down demands before the regional health authorities in Primary Care, Hospital reforms, new social health services and mental health facilities, a change as it overcomes simple opposition with the proposal of practical outcomes.

At a national level, PNHSD�s have addressed the public through the media, making Health Policy a matter of public interest, generating opposition to neoliberal counter reforms, making the Ministry of Health abandon their principal policy of converting hospitals into Fundaciones.

Main steps have been understanding complex conservative policies, creation of PNHSD�s, and the introduction of simple but in this field new communication and propaganda methods.

London 2001 Conference Abstracts: G. Barro et al.

Giovanni Barro, Antonello Briguori, Mara Giglioni, Rita Manfroni, Maurizio Mori, Osvaldo Palumbo, Carlo Romagnoli, Elisabetta Rossi, Stefania Piacentini

Micro and Macro-privatisation are obscuring the sky of the italian National Health System

Equi.Jus Association, Perugia
Regional Health Service of Umbria

A national health service (SSN) was applied in Italy in 1978 with the law 833. The British NHS was its model.

It is not only a curiosity to observe that the law 833 was endorsed just a few weeks after the Alma Ata Conference, when the strategy of WHO, pushing for the priority of primary health care within a public health service, was flourishing.

This coincidence of dates reflects two separate itineraries followed in autonomy but with reciprocal influences. Indeed the law 833 was the conclusion of almost a ten years period of struggles for health, promoted jointly by the Trade Unions, the most important democratic parties, the most advanced scientists, even in the academic settings, the womens� movements and the strongest Unions of doctors (hospital doctors and GPs). Such a large movement drew its nourishment from the WHO�s activity and documents against the current concept of medicine as an ensemble of practices pivoted on highly specialised care, and its organisation as the triumph of the hospital. (At a few weeks from 7th April, devoted this year to mental health, it is not to be forgotten that 1978 is also the year of the Italian law which abolished mental hospitals, a law strongly fostered by Franco Basaglia).

Notwithstanding such a smart �birth certificate�, the SSN did not grow up so smartly for many reasons, among which a major role must be assigned to the end of the political coalition that had brought the law into effect, a coalition pivoted on the so called national solidarity and ended after the assassination of the premier Aldo Moro by terrorists.

After the breakdown of the national solidarity, the conservative parties became more and more influencial, playing an always stronger hegemony on those social and political sectors who, having refused the reform in 1978, were now trying to frustate it either (a lobbystic minority) through an open opposition, or (and mainly) bridling it in the web of a centrally-run policy and underfinancing the expenditures. Again, it is not a mere curiosity to observe that during the period under consideration many health ministers were drawn by the liberal party, the sole democratic party to vote against the reform in 1978.

After 1978 the Law 833 has been reformed many times, with the consequence (maybe desired) to prevent its full enforcement. Major changes to the Law 833 were introduced in 1992 and 1999.

The first one is the law n. 502 which aimed at rationing the health system and giving it more efficiency. Both such targets were inspired by the reform adopted in the UK by Margaret Thatcher: we can cite as an example the establishment of trusts for running USL and hospitals, the appointment of managers as general and sole directors of such trusts, the creation of a quasi-market for the trade off of the medical procedures, even when delivered in a public framework, and other such measures. None of them obtained more efficiency, the only result being to strengthen instead of weaken hospitals versus primary health care and territorial services. Nor has the objective of a control over the expenditure�s trend been attained, which continued to expand notwithstanding the large number of measures undertaken in order to reduce the costs of the service at a local level.

Beside that, the Law 502 resulted in a huge quantity of severe contradictions, first of all the multiplication of medical acts, not always based on health�s needs, and viceversa the loss of effectiveness in the preventive and prevention�s domain.

In 1996 a new government was appointed, based upon a left-center coalition, with Mr. Prodi as premier and Mrs. Rosy Bindi as health minister. A new reform was then planned to cope with the more dramatic consequences of the law 502, which came into effect in 1999.

At the end of the day the period from 1978 through 1999 can be divided into three phases. In the first one (lasting until 1992) we had practically no health policy because our system was paralysed from economic and financial measures and by the related under-dimensioning of expenditures.

The second phase (until 1996) coincided with the arrival in Italy of the long wave of American neoliberism: many attempts of health policy were carried out, but their sign was opposite to the welfarian principles of the 1978 reform.

The third phase, still lasting, is characterised by the attempt to reset the system and its welfarian principles through the adoption of measures aimed at rectifying the most severe bias of the previous policies and at recovering many of the basic principles which had been lost along the way.

As a final statement it can be sinthetically affirmed that in comparison with other western european countries our health system could cross the neoliberist wave of the Nineties and the related reaganian policy saving enough of its welfarian characteristics, except for some limited, even if consistent, losses of universality and solidarity (the same unfortunately cannot be said for equity).

We must therefore complain that some measures adopted in 1999 after the demands of the doctors contracted to the SSN, and the measures recently adopted by some regions ruled by right-center majorities, have darkened the horizon.

For a better understanding of this point, it must be recalled that the doctors contracted to the SSN are allowed, since 1978, to practice medicine publicly as well as privately, in the second case for payment. Such a liberal profession can be practiced both inside the public structure and within private clinics and hospitals: this faculty, not accompanied by strategies assuring the priority of the doctors� duties in favour of the public service, provoked a veritable concurrence against the pubblic service, stemming the paradox that doctors are allowed, by their employers, to become their competitors. The reform adopted in the early 1999 has not abolished the right for doctors to legally work privately, but has obliged them to chose just one form of liberal profession, intramoenia or extramoebia, which means inside or outside the public hospitals. In order to make an option which is not so good in terms of mere earnings desirable, new incentives have been introduced in favour of those opting for intramoenial activity.

Unfortunately the application of this law has been affected by a pause. The terms for applying the new regulations have been considerably diluted, the fulfillment of the option delayed and the incentives quite amplified by some hospital administrations. The new minister of health (Prof. Umberto Veronesi, a well known oncologist from Milan), justified such measures assessing that the public hospitals are not yet ready to lodge the liberal profession intramoenia. Whatever the real reason, it is a matter of fact that as of few months the atmosphere inside the public hospitals is worsening and even darker clouds are pending.

Waiting lists are considerably lengthening, and the citizens are often forced to pay out of pocket if they want to be cured in a timely manner. Nowadays a cospicuous part of the hospital�s activity is practiced for payment and not free of charge as requested by a public health system worthy of this name. In Perugia, which is all but the worst place in Italy for equity and fairness, many departments, especially in the surgical areas, operate free of charge only for emergencies and oncology, the remaining requests being delayed even for many months, or alternatively offered for payment when a timely service is necessary, including the case of some preventive procedures (i.e. mammographies and cervical examinations).

But another severe consequence is the creation of caregiving areas directly managed by doctors for their liberal profession with the creation of clinics only nominally public, but in fact private, where to select the patients who can pay out of pocket and to absorb a huge quantity of professional, technological and therapeutic resources that should be equally distributed among all people: a consequence even more dangerous because its effects are likely to become more lasting.

Such a tendency, that can be defined a “microprivatisation”, must be taken into consideration in parallel with a hidden process of “macroprivatisation”. Indeed, many fear that our hospitals will be transformed from public trusts, as they are now, to corporate holdings, owned by both public and private stakeholders, with the creation of healthcare areas reserved to the well-off, destroying the equalitarian profile of the SSN.

Elements of this trend are already noticeable in Lombardia, a Northern region administrated by a centre-right majority and bridgehead for a very large devolution destined to disintegrate the country�s unity, the central state being empowered only for a very limited span of topics. The health system that Lombardia wants to build in its territory and then to transfer all over the country is indeed based upon a complete parity between public and private providers, a strategy inspired to the Thatcher split between providers and purchasers, but much more flexible as far as the control on the performances� quality and quantity and on the expenditures is concerned.

After that or because of that, the expenditure for hospital and specialistic care is growing more quickly in Lombardia than in the whole country. For instance, the per capita cost has grown 25% in Lombardia and 19% in Emilia (a left-ruled region where the reform has always been correctly enforced). The main role for this trend is played by hospitals: in the last year Emilia reduced its admission rate 5% versus 3% of Lombardia.

The regional government of Lombardia is all but worried by this result, because its actual scope is far more bursting than a �simple� rationalisation. Lombardia is the largest region for population, and the one where Berlusconi and Bossi are installed. It actually wants to trigger a process of public health system dismantling and healthcare privatising and marketing, no matter if the quality of the service will worsen and expenditures increase.

The final point envisaged from the supporters of this policy is to abandon the welfarian system based on universalism, and to replace it with a �Bismarck model�, not to say a USA system. The issue of this perspective is partly consigned to the result of the next general elections, when the country will decide the destiny of the Welfare state. The neo-liberal strategies, up to now substantially rejected, have been included in the electoral agenda of the centre-right coalition. Its victory would mean the rejection of a fifty year history of social security, including 22 years of a welfarian health care system.

London 2001 Conference Abstracts: M. Johansson et al

Mauri Johansson & Timo Partanen

Trade Unions in workplace safety- and health promotion. With focus on cooperation between workers and academics in promoting health

Public Health Partner, Denmark
Finnish Institute of Occupational Health

Mauri Johansson, MD, Denmark

Since the middle of the nineteenth century, workers have organized in unions and parties to strengthen their efforts toward improvement of health and safety at work, job conditions, working hours, wages, job contracts, and safety. During history alliances have, from time to time, been established between workers, their unions and academically trained persons, working in solidarity with the workers and on their premises.

During the last decades there are in the Nordic countries some interesting examples of this type of co-operation between workers and their organizations on the one hand and scientists, practitioners of medical, social, hygienic, and technical occupational health on the other. These coalitions have occasionally been instrumental in improvements in regulation and legislation pertaining workers’ health. They also have been active for a surprisingly long period of time, in spite of ideological changes in the societies in the mean time.

In early 1970s, adverse health effects of organic solvents that were regularly used by construction painters were virtually unknown or alt least unrecognized. In the vivid years following 1968, when joint activities between workers and academics evolved all over Europe and elsewhere, a local painters� union in Aarhus, Denmark, contacted a group of medical students, asking for help to find out about severe central nervous symptoms among their members. Using interviews, short questionnaires and finding relevant scientific documentation it was shown that exposure to organic solvents could explain both acute and chronic symptoms, described by the painters. This led to a joint report , demanding that the working conditions had to be changed and the toxic substances eliminated. The co-operation resulted in a new type of organizations (“Co-operation Worker – Academics” (SAA) in Aarhus and “Action Group Worker Academics” (AAA) in Copenhagen), which still exist. They have produced more than 80 nontechnical reports, pamphlets and other material covering a broad range of industrial and other areas in working life. Most of them were initiated by single workers or shop-stewards, who with help from their local unions followed the problems up with active students and academics. The publications had a wide distribution among workers and were used in training sessions for safety representatives and had positive influence on working conditions throughout the country. AAA has also published a newsletter for distribution among active union representatives. The painter reports were followed by systematic research at university levels, confirming the findings , , . Threshold Limit Values were reduced, and the painting industry was forced to develop and apply water-based paints. Chronic illnesses among painters and others exposed to solvents became compensated as occupational diseases. The number of new cases of chronic solvent syndrome is considerably reduced during the 90’ies. Strong counteractions were taken by the oil industry, hiring scholars to deem the research as false . The public presentation of the oil industry report in 1984 was greeted by red union banners at the University auditorium to mark the protests.

These reports had a considerable impact during 1972 -1975 in Denmark. In a State Committee set up to propose revisions of the 1954 Worker Protection Act, seven of the reports were appreciated by the way they exposed the problems . The committee proposed the main elements to a new Working Environment Law, passed 1975 and enforced since 1977. Workers� influence on their working environment and on occupational health and safety in general was strongly secured. This law in many respects served as inspiration for the European Union Framework Directive as of 1989/391. Also the Danish National Confederation of Trade Unions (LO) was forced to accelerate its working environment programs and demanded influence on university research .

A similar worker-academic coalition (“The Health Front” – Terveysrintama) has been active in Finland since early 1970s. In fact, is has been communicating steadily over the years and occasionally joined forces with the Danish organizations, some times attending each others meetings. So, a report, prepared in Denmark by SAA, covering the questions of psychic working environment, was used as a model for an alike Finnish publication in 1978. The Finnish organization is an NGO, and has published a 8-to-16-page newsletter four times a year, prepared and distributed pamphlets, booklets, and books, and organized various campaigns and training sessions. One of the books presented the laws and formal regulations in a language understandable for ordinary workers. In particular, a set of strict threshold limit values for workplace chemicals and other hazardous exposures , and a draft for a law on occupational health services (OHS) were prepared. Both were printed and distributed among trade unions and unionists, particularly safety representatives, and are likely to have influenced legislation and regulation of workplace chemical exposures and OHS in the country. Annual conferences were held during a long range of years with dozens of participants – both workers and academics, posing statements and resolutions for public debate.

In Sweden, delivery truck drivers employed by a brewery had for years had serious ergonomic problems and accident risks in unloading and delivering cases of beer and mineral water down the steps to basement-placed bars and restaurants. A safety representative and a shop steward contacted the local University Department of Occupational Medicine. The problems were carefully examined, and proposals for a solution were made. After a systematic campaigning, binding regulations were enforced, with a maximum of 5 steps accepted, otherwise no delivery. Mini-elevators were drafted for easier delivery.

On European level a cooperation between workers, their local and national unions and academics has existed since the late 80’ies, collecting hundreds of activists every second year for policy planning. Permanent working groups e.g. on OHS are working between the bigger meetings. A very successful e-mail network assists continuously workers and unions with qualified answers to new hazard problems. This network has i.a. been strongly fighting for a total asbestos ban globally. Contacts can be taken on e-mail: editor@hazards.org

What represents research in the above examples might today be called participatory or action research, the research problems being defined by those at risk, and academics providing support with their experience in literature search, systematic documentation, report writing, etc., and the workers contributing with their practical experience and knowledge of what kinds of solutions would be applicable. It must be stressed, that the joint activities between workers and academics during the first years were characterized by some scepticism and the debates were brisk, until differences in the background cultures were mutually understood and accepted. The examples may be considered narrative, since the causal relations between the events were not confirmed in the strict sense.

In conclusion it can be said, that this type of cooperation has been extremely useful and influential on working environment questions. Also broader topics of cultural nature have beet taken up (what do children in schools learn about workers working and living conditions? How can the history of workers struggle for better conditions be presented etc.). The beginning of the co-work was hard both for academics and workers, but as time vent by, it helped mutually.

I can only recommend you to do all your best to establish alike structures to improve the working and living conditions for the working class and others striving under the burdens of the global neoliberalistic experiments.